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Suffragette Movement (file)

Flying the flag for the suffragette movement

Oct 22 2009 by George Topp, Lanark & Carluke, Hamilton Advertiser

A PIECE of Clydesdale history, a banner belonging to the Douglas Water Women’s

Guild, recently made a trip to Edinburgh as part of the centenary of the Suffragette

Movement.

The historic banner was proudly carried in a centenary march along Princess Street

by Claudia Beamish from Pettinain. Janette Robertson of Rigside asked Claudia, the

Labour and Co-operative Party Westminster candidate for the area, to have the

banner in her safekeeping.

Claudia said she was proud to carry their banner as so many women in the ex-mining

village had made a difference long ago to the lives of mining families. The words “Co

-operation is the People’s galleon” are on the banner.

The Scottish Co-op Women’s Guild, of which the Douglas Water group were

members, was set up in 1883 “to educate women in the principles and practices of

Co-operation and to work for the improvement of the status of women.”

It is an Education Auxiliary of the Co-operative Movement and still exists today in

some Scottish communities.

Claudia joined men and women from all over Scotland to march into the future to

continue to fight for better representation of women. In celebration of the centenary,

she led a move to commission a new Scottish Labour banner.


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 Obituary: Dr Jean Scott   Scotsman Newspaper
Published on 19/11/2010 14:07

Dr Jean Scott was a consultant haematologist and pathologist of international

renown, the first Scottish woman elected to the General Medical Council (in 1979).

• Dr Jean Scott MBCLB, MD, FRCPath, haematologist and pathologist. Born: 18

September, 1921, in Airdrie, Lanarkshire. Died: 5 November, 2010, in Pitlochry,

Perthshire, aged 89.

As a woman who broke down many barriers in her profession, or her "calling" as she

saw it, she was once described by one of her male contemporaries as "a modern

medical suffragette".

As a fighter for women's rights in medicine, she became, first, the Scottish president

of the Medical Women's Federation - the largest organisation of women doctors in

the UK -- and later, in 1984, when she was already retired, its national (British)

president. That made her an ambassador and advocate for all women in the medical

profession. Woe betide a male doctor who suggested, as was not uncommon during

her career, that his women colleagues were not up to the job, or who plagiarised her

original research without giving her credit.

In alleged retirement for almost the past 30 years, she became a driving force in

multiple Scottish organisations and charities, from her local Pitlochry Civic Trust and

conservation movement to the National Trust for Scotland and the Association for the

Protection of Rural Scotland. Although increasingly frail, she fought for the

preservation of her beloved Scotland like a tireless tigress. She was also a Dame of

Grace of the Sovereign Order of St John of Jerusalem, perhaps better known as the

Knights of Malta or the Hospitaller Knights, which pledge "impartial service to the

sick, injured and poor" through such charities as St John Ambulance.

Having gained her MD (Doctorate of Medicine) from Glasgow University in 1948, Dr

Scott worked in many Glasgow hospitals - the Samaritan Hospital, Yorkhill, the old

Rottenrow, the new Glasgow Royal Maternity and latterly the Wolfson Medical School

at Strathclyde University.

As a clinical pathologist, Dr Scott established the first ante-natal blood clinic in the

west of Scotland and did much of the initial research on intravenous and

intramuscular use of iron in pregnancy. She was a relatively new MD and only 28

years old when her first paper was published - on 12 November, 1949 - in the British

Medical Journal, read by doctors around the world. Highlighting the fact that anaemia

in Glasgow was the most common, and often the most serious complication among

pregnant women, it established her as an internationally known expert on the subject.

Countless expectant women over the years, in Glasgow and far beyond, have

benefited from her findings and do so to this day. She was also a founder member of

the Royal College of Pathologists and became a fellow (FRCPath) in 1975.




Jean Mary Neville was born in Airdrie on 18 September, 1921, and went to school in

nearby Coatbridge, where she was dux and girls' sports champion in her final year. At

Glasgow University, she played for the women's hockey first team before graduating

in medicine in 1944. She received her MD (Doctorate in Medicine) in 1948, with

commendation.

That same year, she married Tom Scott, at the time a Second-Lieutenant in the

merchant navy who was later promoted to Captain. After spending many years at sea,

while Jean lived in Coatbridge and later Barrachnie in Glasgow, Captain Scott was

appointed harbour master at Ardrossan in the early 1960s and the couple settled

there on the Ayrshire coast. Their daughter Marion (now Marion Neigh of Stratford,

Ontario) was born in Glasgow in 1949.

The Scotts later lived in West Kilbride and Giffnock, where Jean was a consultant

pathologist, before retiring to Pitlochry in 1981. Together, at their home, Tiarach on

Clunie Bridge Road, the couple established a magnificent garden with a

comprehensive collection of rhododendron. After her husband's death in 1995, Jean

continued to care fastidiously for the garden, seeing it as a fitting memorial for Tom

and welcoming other "rhodis" - or rhododendron enthusiasts - to walk around.

Despite her formal retirement - her last job was as consultant pathologist at the

Glasgow Royal Maternity Hospital -- she was never one to put her feet up. She

continued to serve on the Disciplinary Committee of the General Medical Council and

launched herself into helping every local organisation she believed in, including the

WRVS (formerly known as the Women's Royal Volunteer Service but now including

many male volunteers), praised nationwide, among other things, for its Meals on

Wheels service.

She was a founding member of the Pitlochry Civic Trust in 2001 and was paramount

in establishing the Pitlochry Conservation Area in 2007, when she was already 87 and

frail, campaigning on her bicycle to fight, successfully, the building of a large

supermarket in the centre of the picturesque Perthshire town. According to her good

friend Dr David Cruikshank, who read the eulogy at her funeral on Thursday, "in line

with Jean's ‘waste not, want not' attitude, when she could no longer ride the bike last

year, instead of cycling, she recycled - by shipping it to Malawi for use by some poor

child in need."

Dr Scott was a much-loved member of the Pitlochry Church of Scotland, where she

once served as president of the Women's Guild and where, until her death, she was

known for her old-fashioned insistence on wearing a hat in church. With her only

daughter in Canada, she made many trips to Ontario in recent years, her curiosity

taking her on to other parts of Canada and the US.

Talking of her curiosity in all things, Dr Cruikshank ended his eulogy by saying how

she would show up at his family home with obscure documents, medical or other,

which she wanted to discuss or debate. Her favourite phrase was, he said: "You'll be

interested in this…"

Dr Jean Scott, MBCLB, MD, FRCPath, Dame of Grace of the Sovereign Order of St

John, died suddenly at her home, Tiriach, in Pitlochry. She is survived by her daughter

Marion and son-in-law Geoff in Canada.

PHIL DAVISON


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Scotsman Newspaper.  Peter Ross at Large: Back in suffragette city
Published on 10/10/2009 19:59

YESTERDAY afternoon in Edinburgh, a tall and striking young woman of 22 with

bobbed red hair and a deep green crushed velvet cloak, like something out of a

Rossetti painting, is marching through the Meadows and singing about liberation,

anger, and bringing the system down.

"We've justice at our feet as we march down Princes Street," she sings, swinging

hips and head. "Men and women shall be equal in this land."

Well, in fact, what with the tram works, Hazel Streeter won't be walking down Princes

Street, but the sentiment of the song still holds true for her and approximately 3,000

other women on the Gude Cause Procession. Many are dressed in the fashions of

the early 20th century, big bonnets and hats that seem to be made entirely from lace

doilies. "The charity shops did well out of us!" hoots vision in white Mary Boloy, 80,

who has come from Stirling.

Gude Cause is a reenactment of a protest march which took place on Princes Street

on 10 October 1909, when women took to the cobbles to demand the right to vote; it

takes its name from a banner held on that day – A Gude Cause Maks A Strong Arm.

Now, like then, Edinburgh has been transformed into Suffragette City. Women from all

over Scotland have travelled here.

Emily Turnbull, 11, and sister Maria, nine, are local, and are here because Emily has

been reading about the suffragettes in the school holidays. "Lots of people went to jail

for it," she says from within her headscarf, as Maria twirls a parasol, "and at the end a

lady had to kill herself so that people would notice." Emily wanted to show that her

namesake, the martyr Emily Davison, who in 1913 threw herself under the King's

horse at the Derby, was not forgotten.

Gude Cause has attracted women from all classes and political stripes, among them

Nats, Trots, the Scottish Women's Rural Institute and the Auld Reekie Roller Girls,

who zoom along Melville Drive on skates while one of their number, Juicy Lucy,

proclaims, "We're the future of feminism!" Meanwhile, Marianne Hendry, from a group

called Damned Rebel Bitches, based at Tollcross Community Centre, explains their

simple reason for being here: "We're feisty women." Asked her age, she says 66 and

laughs, "I wasn't a suffragette, no' quite. But I remember when I was growing up, I

was sick of the way my mother ran after my dad all the time. I swore that when I grew

up I'd never do that, and I never have."

The march is led by piper Louise Marshall Millington, and two mounted policewomen.

The crowds enjoy the spectacle and support the message. On Teviot Place two

gleeful old women jump up and down. "Isn't this marvellous?" they cry. On North

Bridge, the reception is less warm. "Cannae get a f***in' bus fur yees!" growls a

middle-aged woman .

The original procession, which featured a number of floats showing Mary Queen of

Scots and other historical heroines, was led by Flora Drummond, a frustrated

postmistress from Arran known as "The General". She shocked the locals by riding

astride her horse, carrying a whip, and affecting quasi-military dress. Drummond was

the same height as Kylie Minogue, and had the approximate shape, density and

forward momentum of a curling stane.

The historical record notes that the suffragettes were regarded by onlookers, who

stood ten deep on the pavement outside Jenners, with a mix of fascination and

outright hostility. Flour was flung, speakers were heckled, and a man in the crowd

remarked: "There'll be lots o' pair chaps the nicht, wha'll need to mak' their ain tea."

This, of course, is atypical of Edinburgh, where the assumption is always that one

has had one's tea already.

These Scottish suffragettes were remarkable and vivid. The movement has tended to

be seen and taught as an English phenomenon, but Scotland was key to the fight for

the franchise; two million signatures demanding the right to vote were collected here.

Scots were among the most militant of campaigners. A favourite publicity stunt was to

pour acid on golf courses, though today the putting green on Bruntsfield Links goes

unmolested.

Ethel Moorhead from Dundee was 40 in 1909. An accomplished window-smasher

and hunger-striker, famed for throwing eggs at Winston Churchill. She was treated

brutally and force-fed in the Calton Jail, and the food got into her lungs, causing

double-pneumonia. On her release, in retribution, Whitekirk, a medieval church in

East Lothian, was set on fire.

There were a number of arson attacks associated with the Scottish suffragettes. The

stand at Ayr racecourse and the pavilion of Perthshire Cricket Club went up in smoke,

and a firebomb gutted a classroom in Fettes College. Ethel Moorhead and her friend

Fanny Parker even attempted to set fire to Burns's cottage in Alloway; the suffragettes

seem not to have been in sympathy with Burns, whose attitude to women was

suspect, having freely adapted one of his most famous songs as The Right To Vote

An' A' That.

That song is likely to have been sung in 1909 and is sung again today. It's an

interesting concept, reenacting a protest march. It seems whimsical at first – what's

the point of recreating a call for suffrage when women have had the vote since 1928?

But, actually, it's much more logical than the more familiar concept of battle

reenactment. Battles tend to be fought to force or prevent a physical advance,

whereas protest marches are essentially ideas made flesh, so there's no reason they

shouldn't be reenacted time and again provided the idea itself is still relevant.

In this case, the idea is not simply suffrage, it's equality between the sexes and a

desire that women should reengage with politics. The suffragettes wanted votes for

women; these reenactors want women to value and use the votes for which their

great grannies fought. Gude Cause was prompted by a poll which suggested that

fewer than 45 per cent of women who were registered to vote were planning to do so

at the 2007 Holyrood election, an election which resulted in fewer female MSPs being

elected than in 2003 or 1999.

Great strides have been made since 1909, of course, and Fiona Hyslop, at the front

of the march, tells me how remarkable she finds it that the site of Calton Jail, where

suffragettes were imprisoned and force-fed, is now the site of St Andrew's House in

which she and other women are government ministers.

There's a feeling, though, that in Scotland we're going backwards. But organisers

hope that Gude Cause will politicise a new generation, that the radicalism it

celebrates will prove highly infectious among young women – a sort of quine flu. It

seems to be working. "I've never voted before. I didn't understand politics," says

Amanda Alston, 25, from Grangemouth. "But now I've learned about the suffragettes,

and the horrible way they were punished, I definitely will vote at the next election."

"Everyone's reading something different into this march," says Marylou Anderson, 32,

a youth worker from Burntisland, who has been overseeing the making of banners. "I

don't see it as strictly a reenactment at all. The idea has grown. For me it's

highlighting what's going on in the world and what has still to be achieved."

She mentions the need for women to stop thinking their path through life must mean

meeting the perfect man and having children, while also trying to sustain a career.

Lots of the other marchers mention this work-life balance, as well as sexual violence,

and the continuing pay gap between the genders. "Why do men have such big

packets?" asks one placard."

Many of the banners are green, white and purple – the colours of the Women's Social

and Political Union, the militant group founded by the Pankhursts. Green stood for

hope, white for purity, and purple for "the royal blood that flows in the veins of every

suffragette". The colours were also chosen with a view to how striking they would look

en masse. The WSPU were very aware of image and what we would now call spin.

That is perhaps why the suffragette "brand" is still strong.

There's something about the disparity between the formal Edwardian clothes and the

sometimes aggressive direct action of the women wearing them that continues to

inspire protestors. The eco-awareness group Climate Rush last month dumped horse

manure on Jeremy Clarkson's drive while dressed as suffragettes. In March, Leila

Deen, of anti-aviation campaigners Plane Stupid, compared herself to a suffragette

after throwing green custard over Peter Mandelson.

Some marchers have more personal motives. On the Royal Mile Marsali Taylor, 50,

shows me a small gold badge on her left lapel and explains that she has travelled

here from Shetland to honour the woman to whom it belonged. When she was

growing up, Ysabel Birbick was an old lady she called aunty. Later, Taylor discovered

she had been an ambulance driver in the first world war, working in Serbia for an all

-women medical unit run by Edinburgh's Dr Elsie Inglis and funded by Scottish

suffragettes. She won a medal for changing a tyre under machine gun fire. So Taylor

is here to remember Birbick and is having an emotional day. "It's nice to be able to

come out and show we appreciate what all those women did for us," she says.

Then the music starts up again and the procession heads for Calton Hill. "Votes for

women, it's just the beginning," they sing. "You haven't seen anything yet."


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The Guardian Newspaper,     Vanessa Thorpe    
    The Observer, Sunday 26 May 2013

Truth behind the death of suffragette Emily Davison is finally revealed

Hi-tech film analysis suggests Emily Davison's motives when she collided with the

king's horse in 1913 were misunderstood


Emily Davison, left, and jockey Herbert Jones fall to the ground after her collision with

the King's horse, Anmer. Photograph: Hulton Archive

As an emblem of women's emancipation Emily Wilding Davison has always been

controversial. The suffragette who was fatally injured at the Epsom racecourse during

the Derby 100 years ago under the hooves of the king's horse has been saluted by

some as a brave martyr and attacked by others as an irresponsible anarchist. Now

detailed analysis of film footage of the incident has shed new light on the contentious

moments on 4 June 1913 that were to go down in the history of political protest.

Despite the fact that film technology was in its early days, the incident was captured

on three newsreel cameras and a new study of the images has shown that the 40-

year-old campaigner was not, as assumed, attempting to pull down Anmer, the royal

racehorse, but in fact reaching up to attach a scarf to its bridle.

The analysis, carried out by a team of investigators for a television documentary to be

screened tonight on Channel 4, also indicates that the position of Davison before she

stepped out on to the track would have given her a clear view of the oncoming race,

contrary to the argument that she ran out recklessly to kill herself.

Presenter Clare Balding and investigators Stephen Cole and Mike Dixon returned to

the original nitrate film stocks taken on the day and transferred them to a digital

format. This was done so that they could be cleaned and so that new software could

cross-reference the three different camera angles.

"It has been such an extraordinary adventure to discover more about her, about what

she stood for, about the suffragette movement," said Balding this weekend on her

work with the team making Secrets of a Suffragette.

"It is hugely significant as a moment in history, a moment that absolutely sums up the

desperation of women in this country who wanted the vote."

Historians have suggested that Davison was trying to attach a flag to King George V's

horse and police reports suggested two flags were found on her body. Some

witnesses believed she was trying to cross the track, thinking the horses had passed

by, others believed she had tried to pull down Anmer. The fact that she was carrying a

return train ticket from Epsom and had holiday plans with her sister in the near future

have also caused some historians to claim that she had no intention of killing herself.

In 2011 the horse-racing historian Michael Tanner argued that as Davison was

standing in crowds on the inside of the bend at Tattenham Corner it would have been

impossible for her to see the king's horse.

But new cross-referencing between the cameras has revealed, say the C4

programme makers, that Davison was closer to the start of Tattenham Corner than

thought and so had a better line of sight. In this position she could have seen and

singled out Anmer.

Historians have suggested that Davison and other suffragettes were seen "practising"

at grabbing horses in the park near her mother's house and that they then drew lots

to determine who should go to the Derby.

After colliding with Anmer, Davison collapsed unconscious on the track. The horse

went over, but then rose, completing the race without a jockey. Davison died of her

injuries four days later in Epsom Cottage Hospital.

At the funeral of the leading suffragette Emmeline Pankhurst in 1928, the jockey who

had ridden Anmer that day, Herbert Jones, laid a wreath "to do honour to the memory

of Mrs Pankhurst and Miss Emily Davison". Jones had suffered a mild concussion in

the 1913 collision, but afterwards claimed he was "haunted by that poor woman's

face".

In 1951, his son found Jones dead in a gas-filled kitchen. The jockey had killed

himself.


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The Diary Review
A vast, international and unrivalled collection of diary extracts - from around 500 diarists. Saturday, June 21, 2008

The Suffragette Times
Saturday 21 June 1908, one hundred years ago today, 200,000-300,000 supporters of

the women’s suffragette movement converged on Hyde Park, London. It must have

been an important event for the movement, but online I can find no first hand diary

reference to it. Although there are a few suffragette diaries, which do shed some light

on the movement (a bit too much perhaps), there seems to be a surprising dearth of

them in general.

In her biography of Emmeline Pankhurst, the leader of the Women’s Social and

Political Union (WSPU) at the time, June Purvis writes about the 21 June

demonstration: ‘There were several bands and 700 banners fluttering in the breeze

on this brilliantly sunny day, including a banner with the picture of the WSPU leader

declaring her to be a Champion of Womanhood Famed For Deeds of Daring

Rectitude’. One of the chief speakers was Mrs Pankhurst’s daughter, Christabel, who

claimed the demonstration would convince the government that public opinion was on

their side. Another speaker, Annie Kenney, a working-class activist from Oldham, said

it showed the movement had the support of men as well as women. (There’s some

great postcards reproduced on the University of Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, website.)

That day, a century ago, sounds a genteel affair, but the suffragette movement was

nothing of the sort. According to Votes for Women: The Virago Book of Suffragettes,

‘it was a bloody and dangerous war lasting several decades, won finally by sheer will

and determination in 1928’. By drawing on diary extracts, as well as newspapers,

letters, etc. the book’s editor, Joyce Marlow, allows the women themselves to tell the

story.

An alternative view of the movement comes from the diaries of Mary Blathwayt. These

have not been published but Vanessa Thorpe wrote an article for The Observer a few

years ago based on Professor Martin Pugh’s examination of the diaries. The article

was titled Diary reveals lesbian love trysts of suffragette leaders, and claimed that ‘the

complicated sexual liaisons - involving the Pankhurst family and others at the core of

the militant organisation - created rivalries that threatened discord’. Pugh believes,

the article says, that Christabel was the most classically beautiful of the Pankhurst

daughters and was the focus of a rash of ‘crushes’ across the movement, and that

she was briefly involved with Mary Blathwayt herself, but was probably supplanted by

Annie Kenney.

Many of these trysts apparently took place at the Blathwayt home, Eagle House, near

Bath. There is biographical data about Mary Blathwayt in The Woman’s Suffrage

Movement: A Reference Guide 1866-1928 by Elizabeth Crawford. And there is some

information about Eagle House, and some photographs of the women, on the

University of West of England website. Blaythwayt’s diary is held by the

Gloucestershire Archives

On the other side of the ‘war’ were the anti-suffrage campaigners, such as Alexander

MacCallum Scott. He became a Liberal MP in 1910, and during the First World War

was Parliamentary Private Secretary to Winston Churchill. In the 1920s, he switched

to the Labour Party. In his diaries (1909-1914), held by the University of Glasgow, he

frequently discusses his activities as a member of the anti-suffrage committee in the

Liberal Party. There is some useful information about MacCallum Scott and his

diaries on the university’s Special Collections website.



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Scott, Alexander MacCallum (1874–1928), politician and author
by Cameron Hazlehurst

© Oxford University Press 2004–13 All rights reserved
Scott, Alexander MacCallum (1874–1928), politician and author, was born on 16 June

1874 at Boathouse, Blantyre, Lanarkshire, the first of three children of John Scott

(1815–1888), a fruit grower and sometime shopkeeper, and his second wife,

Rebecca MacCallum (d. in or after 1926). His father—a United Presbyterian church

elder, temperance stalwart, and member of the local school board—left an enduring

impression. Rebecca Scott, widowed with an income of £150 a year, was ambitious

for her oldest child.

Educated at Polmont public school and Falkirk high school, Scott went to Glasgow

University where he was a contemporary of John Buchan, W. M. R. Pringle, Robert

Horne, and H. N. Brailsford. He was active in Liberal clubs and the students'

representative council, and president of the union during 1896–7. Graduating in law

in 1897 he ate his dinners at the Middle Temple, and from 1908 practised

sporadically on the western circuit. Purposefully engaged in Liberal politics, he

served as secretary of the League of Liberals against Aggression and Militarism

(1900–03), becoming secretary of the New Reform Club and a Lewisham borough

councillor (1903–6). In spite of these successes, he was beset with a sense of

isolation. Social intimacy with clever radical contemporaries like Brailsford, Francis

Hirst, and J. L. Hammond was tentative and transient.

Eager to supplement his income, and consolidate his credentials as a radical

commentator, Scott published The Truth about Tibet in 1905. Extensive travel in

Scandinavia and Russia resulted in two books in 1908, Through Finland to St

Petersburg and Licensing in Scandinavia. Beyond the Baltic (1925) later recorded his

observations, including meetings in Kaunas, Lithuania, with former ministers of the

Belarusian Democratic Republic, and devoted a chapter to ‘White Russia’ (Belarus),

a nation ‘concealed behind the present colours of the map of Europe’ (Belarusian

Chronicle, no. 3, spring 1998). Planned books on democratic theory, architecture, and

many other subjects were never written. But, believing that Winston Churchill was

‘born to greatness’, Scott turned a series of magazine articles into a biography whose

proofs were read by Churchill before its publication in 1905. Over the next two

decades he wrote political columns in The Observer, The People's Journal, and

Reynolds' News.

Scott's appointment in 1909 as private secretary to the secretary for Scotland, John

Sinclair, first Baron Pentland, helped open the door to a parliamentary career. The

unexpected retirement of his friend James William Cleland created a vacancy in the

safe Liberal seat of Glasgow Bridgeton. Scott entered the House of Commons in

December 1910, having married Jessie, daughter of Dr John Hutchison, former

rector of Glasgow high school, earlier in the year.

In the Commons Scott set out to overcome ‘the frowning battlements of the Inner ring’

(diary, 18 Dec 1912). His diary records a relentlessly self-critical and despondent

back-bench existence. Always on the lookout for causes to make his own, he wore his

radicalism conspicuously, advocating a minimum wage and reforms in housing,

education, and the poor law. He was a vocal devolutionist, a founding executive

member of the Liberal foreign affairs group in 1911, but most visible as a tirelessly

immovable anti-suffragist. Philip Snowden, for one, did not think he went down well.

Scott was, he recalled, ‘a strange character. He always struck me as having the

typical Scottish metaphysical mind. He spoke with great deliberation. He seemed as

though he was laboriously dragging out his words, not from his head but from his

chest’ (Snowden, 1.313).

Disillusioned by Asquith's wartime leadership but never seduced by Lloyd George,

Scott sensed that there might yet be a great role for Churchill. He produced Winston

Churchill in Peace and War in spring 1916. Churchill read the proofs, telling his wife

that the notes he had provided made him ‘feel how important it is for me to put on

record a full & complete account of this gt series of war events’ (Gilbert, 1479). Scott

had concluded that political adversity had taught his subject restraint and an

understanding of the long game, a game that he too had long sought to play.

At Churchill's request Scott joined the back-bench malcontents of the Liberal war

committee, and provided candid assistance in preparing the former first lord's

evidence for the Dardanelles commission. Late in 1916 Scott was chosen as

secretary by the Scottish unofficial Liberal members. He declined an invitation in

January 1917 to become parliamentary private secretary to the new secretary for

Scotland, Robert Munro. But on Churchill's return to office later that year he joined

him as parliamentary private secretary at the Ministry of Munitions and followed him

to the War Office. To the discomfort of both men, he severed the link with Churchill in

1919 as a blind alley he could not afford (diary, 20 Nov, 14 Dec 1919).

A vote against Asquith in the debate (9 May 1918) on the allegations by General Sir

Frederick Maurice that Lloyd George had misled the Commons about the state of the

army in France ensured Scott's return as a couponed Liberal in 1918. Twelve years of

hope for office were finally rewarded in mid-1922 when at Churchill's suggestion

Lloyd George made him the coalition government's Scottish whip. Churchill's

proposal that Scott also become parliamentary secretary for the Scottish board of

health was not taken up.

Scott had defeated James Maxton at the general election of 1918 but had no chance

of repelling him in the Glasgow Labour surge of November 1922. As the reunited

Liberal Party candidate for Glasgow Partick in December 1923 Scott ran a poor third

after openly criticizing the Liberal leadership for offering only a ‘blank negative to

Socialism’ (Lyman, 254). Persuaded that Labour, not a disintegrating Liberal Party,

was where radicals now belonged, he joined the Labour Party, Independent Labour

Party, and the Fabian Society late in 1924. Two years later he was adopted as

prospective Labour candidate for East Aberdeenshire, the seat held by the colourful

progressive tory Robert Boothby.

Both Scott—an early supporter of ‘aeroplaning’ (diary, 2 Jan 1912)—and his wife were

killed in a plane crash into the Puget Sound while flying from Victoria, British

Columbia, to Seattle on 25 August 1928. Their only child, a son, survived them.

Assessing his own political career, Scott attributed his failure to penetrate the inner

ring to his lack of wealth, powerful friends, personal magnetism, and ‘intellectual

power to force my way’ (diary, 3 Dec 1921). He might fairly have added the misfortune

of entering a parliament already replete with ambitious and abler men.

CAMERON HAZLEHURST
Sources  

A. M. Scott, diary, U. Glas. L. · Dod's Parliamentary Companion · ‘Mr A. MacCallum

Scott, MP’, Lloyd George Liberal Magazine, 1/8 (May 1921), 456 · WWW · WWBMP ·

Liberal yearbook · private information (2004) [J. H. MacCallum Scott, son] · C.

Hazlehurst, Politicians at war, July 1914 to May 1915 (1971) · J. Adam Smith, John

Buchan (1965) · I. G. C. Hutchison, A political history of Scotland, 1832–1924 (1986) ·

A. J. Dorey, ‘Radical liberal criticism of British foreign policy, 1906–1914’, DPhil diss.,

U. Oxf., 1964 · A. J. A. Morris, Radicalism against war, 1906–1914 (1972) · B.

Harrison, Separate spheres: the opposition to women's suffrage in Britain (1978) · M.

Gilbert, ed., Winston S. Churchill, companion vol., 3/2 (1972) · P. B. Johnson, Land fit

for heroes: the planning of British reconstruction, 1916–1919 (1968) · R. W. Lyman,

The first labour government, 1924 (1957) · C. Coote, A companion of honour: the

story of Walter Elliot (1965) · T. Wilson, The downfall of the liberal party, 1914–1935

(1966) · CAC Cam., Churchill papers · P. Snowden, Autobiography (1934)
Archives  

U. Glas. L., corresp., diaries, journals, and papers |  CAC Cam., Churchill papers


Likenesses  

photograph, c.1921, repro. in ‘Mr A. MacCallum Scott, MP’, 456
Wealth at death  

£7921 18s. 9d.: confirmation, 24 May 1929, CCI
© Oxford University Press 2004–13 All rights reserved     

Cameron Hazlehurst, ‘Scott, Alexander MacCallum (1874–1928)’, Oxford Dictionary

of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004

[http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/72181, accessed 26 May 2013]

Alexander MacCallum Scott (1874–1928): doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/72181



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Marion Gilchrist (doctor) From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Marion Gilchrist was born on 5 February 1864 at Bothwell Park farm, to Margaret and

William Gilchrist, a prosperous farmer, and was the younger sister of the Scottish

agriculturalist, Douglas Alston Gilchrist. Educated at Bothwell Primary School, Marion

Gilchrist (as had her brother before her) entered Hamilton Academy, the prestigious

fee-paying school in nearby Hamilton, South Lanarkshire. In 1887 Gilchrist

matriculated at Queen Margaret College, University of Glasgow, as an arts student

and having begun the examinations while at Queen Margaret College, she attained

LLA, awarded by the University of Saint Andrews in 1890, in which year she enrolled

at the new Queen Margaret College Medical School. In July 1894 Gilchrist was to

become the first woman to graduate from Glasgow University and the first woman to

qualify in medicine at a Scottish university, graduating MB and CM.[3]

Later life and the suffragette movement

Specialising in ophthalmology, Gilchrist was appointed Assistant Surgeon for

Diseases of the Eye at the Glasgow Victoria Infirmary, a post she was to hold from

1914 to 1930, and in 1927 she was also appointed an ophthalmic surgeon at

Redlands Hospital for Women, Glasgow.[6] Gilchrist also gave of her time on a

voluntary basis as physician (1903–11) to Queen Margaret College Settlement's

Invalid Children's School.

Gilchrist was one of the founding members of the Glasgow and West of Scotland

Association for Women's Suffrage (1902), which she left in 1907 to join the Women's

Social and Political Union and the Women's Freedom League. In 1922 she was

elected President of the Glasgow and West Scotland Association of the Medical

Women's Federation; becoming also a leading member of the British Medical

Association (and the first woman chairman of its Glasgow division), and a trustee of

the Muirhead Trust.[2][3][7]



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© Oxford University Press 2004–13
All rights reserved: see legal notice     Oxford University Press
Helen Crawfurd


Crawfurd [née Jack; other married name Anderson], Helen (1877–1954), suffragette

and communist, was born at 175 Cumberland Street, Glasgow, on 9 November 1877,

the fourth of seven children of William Jack, a prosperous master baker, and his wife,

Helen Kyle. Her parents had been married in Glasgow in 1872, but Helen spent most

of her childhood in Ipswich, and returned with her family to Glasgow only at the age of

seventeen when her schooling finished.

Helen's political education was fostered by the involvement of her parents with the

Conservative Party; both occupied platform seats at the large Conservative Party

meetings in Ipswich and her father represented tory interests in his union, the

Operative Bakers' Association. The family's political discussions were combined with

religious fervour. William Jack was a strict Presbyterian, in the Church of Scotland,

and his wife was a devout Methodist. Their Glasgow upbringing encouraged a strong

antipathy towards Irish Catholics. Helen read the Bible avidly and also attended

evangelical Sunday school meetings in Glasgow. On 19 September 1898 Helen

married a widower, the Revd Alexander Montgomery Crawfurd (1829/30–1914), a

staunch campaigner for temperance reform in Scotland and an opponent of

militarism.

Against this background Helen developed an early interest in the women's

movement. Inspired by Josephine Butler's works on the Contagious Disease Act of

1867, she joined the suffrage movement about 1900 and lent her burgeoning

debating skills to group discussions on sexual inequality and political and educational

discrimination. In 1910 she joined the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU),

formed seven years earlier to secure the franchise for women, and she soon became

a proponent of the militant tactics adopted by the Pankhursts. In 1912 she was

sentenced to one month's imprisonment in Holloway gaol in London for smashing the

windows of the residence of the Liberal minister of education in Piccadilly. She was

given the same penalty in Glasgow in the following year, for a similar attack on the

army recruiting office and for fighting with police at a meeting attended by Mrs

Emmeline Pankhurst at St Andrew's Hall. This gave rise to her first hunger strike,

which lasted for eight days before she was released under the so-called Cat and

Mouse Act—the Prisoners (Temporary Discharge for Ill-Health) Act of 1913.

Hardened by these experiences, before the First World War Helen Crawfurd became

one of the most popular speakers in the Scottish suffragette movement. She

continued to campaign and to suffer imprisonment, most notoriously for her alleged

responsibility for a bomb explosion at Glasgow Botanic Gardens in the summer of

1914. On each occasion she used the hunger-strike technique for propaganda

purposes, buoyed up other female prisoners such as Sylvia Pankhurst. She left the

WSPU soon after the outbreak of the war, however, owing to its pro-war position.

As with many other women in this period Crawfurd's feminist efforts merged with

socialist principles. Her political awareness was influenced partly by the radical plays

of Henrik Ibsen, George Bernard Shaw, Maksim Gorky, and others performed by the

Glasgow repertory theatre. She was also deeply affected by the disparity in living

standards of people in the slums of Glasgow compared with those of Ipswich's

inhabitants. ‘These skilled creators of the city's wealth were living in squalor, in

houses unfit for human beings’, she wrote in her memoirs. ‘I began to think there

must be something wrong with a system that could allow this’ (Memoirs, 29).

Although she had in the course of her married life gradually rebelled against much of

her religious upbringing, because of the perceived low status accorded women in the

Bible, Crawfurd held on to the scripture's egalitarian pronouncements to produce a

form of Christian socialism. In 1914 she joined the Independent Labour Party (ILP).

During the First World War, Crawfurd established herself as a national political

figure. This was based on her leading role in the anti-war movement and her

activities to improve Glasgow's housing for the working classes. In November 1915

she and Agnes Dollan, a close friend and fellow suffragette, established the Glasgow

branch of the Women's International League—a predominantly middle-class

pressure group opposed to the war, without party affiliations. In June 1917 they

helped to form the Women's Peace Crusade, with Crawfurd as honorary secretary, in

order to forge a more working-class and militant opposition to militarism. The two

women also worked together in the Glasgow rent strikes of 1915. As secretary of the

Glasgow Women's Housing Association, Crawfurd became a high-profile figure in

urging housewives at mass rallies in Govan and Partick to resist rent increases. This

resulted in the Rent Restriction Act in December 1915 and, along the way, Crawfurd's

forging of strong links with the shop stewards' movement.

A measure of Crawfurd's increased standing was her appointment as vice-chairman

of the Scottish divisional council of the ILP in 1918. In the immediate aftermath of the

war, however, she grew increasingly disillusioned with what she saw as the ILP's lack

of radicalism, and she was attracted instead by the movement to set up a British

Communist Party, headed by Tom Bell and Arthur MacManus. Initially she worked to

establish a communist faction within the ILP and travelled in her official capacity as a

visitor to Moscow in July 1920 to attend the Second Congress of the Third

Communist International. There she met a number of friends, including Sylvia

Pankhurst and Willie Gallacher. During her stay she even managed to interview

Lenin, who spoke of recruiting women into the Communist Party.

When the vote for the affiliation of the ILP to the Communist International was

rejected at the national conference of the ILP in 1920, Crawfurd left to join the

recently established Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). She was appointed to

the executive committee within a year and concentrated from the outset on increasing

female membership in the party. Her propaganda expertise led to her editing a

separate women's page in the CPGB's official newspaper, the Communist, and a part

in the creation of the Sunday Worker, which disseminated left-wing views in the

labour movement.

Throughout the 1920s Crawfurd's political activities ranged further afield. In 1922 she

became secretary of the Workers' International Relief Organisation, formed to assist

economically distressed areas such as the Volga province in Russia. Her

international reputation as a political organizer grew as she visited countries such as

Ireland, where she supported the quest for home rule, and Germany, where in 1924

she addressed an audience of 10,000 people on behalf of the German Communist

Party. She also helped to set up a number of international trade union and socialist

conferences, such as the League Against Imperialism in Brussels in 1927. Following

several further visits to Russia, Crawfurd consistently expressed loyal admiration for

Stalinism, dismissing the Trotskyists as ‘disgruntled elements’ (Memoirs, 341). At

home she gave active support to the 1926 general strike in terms of food distribution

and speeches. She also stood (unsuccessfully) as a Communist candidate in general

elections: first in 1929, for the Bothwell division of Lanarkshire, where she polled

1677 votes; and second in 1931 for North Aberdeen, obtaining 3980 votes.

During the 1930s Crawfurd was closely associated with the Communist Party's front

organization, Friends of the Soviet Union. However, she switched the bulk of her

attention to fighting the spread of fascism in Europe. In 1933 she became honorary

secretary of two committees to combat fascism and antisemitism in Scotland, and in

1938 she organized the Peace and Empire Congress which sought to launch a co-

ordinated peace movement throughout the British Commonwealth. When war broke

out, like many members of the CPGB her stance was somewhat ambiguous.

Answering critics who argued that the Communist Party only supported Britain's war

effort when Germany attacked Russia in 1941, she retorted that her fellow

communists had to be convinced that Britain was prepared to fight fascism and not to

co-operate with it (Memoirs, 374). Her ambivalence was perhaps illustrated by her

retirement during the war to a cottage in Dunoon.

Helen Crawfurd was tall and robust and renowned for wearing stark, black dresses at

public meetings. A personal assessment of her career as a feminist and leading

radical was made by a fellow party member, who praised her high intelligence and

sterling character as a militant and fighter. ‘A fluent speaker and sympathetic

personality’, wrote Tom Bell, ‘she is just as at home addressing a meeting of

thousands as she is in conversation with the working class housewife … Had she

been self seeking and opportunist I feel certain she could have been among the first

women members of Parliament’ (Bell, 258).

Crawfurd's last years included a two-year stint as Dunoon's first woman councillor,

immediately after the end of the war, and she continued her commitment to the

communist cause through the establishment of a local discussion group on Marxist

literature. Having lost her first husband in 1914, she married a steel-master and

CPGB member from Coatbridge, George Anderson (d. 1951). She died childless at

her home, Mahson Cottage, Kilbride Avenue, Dunoon, on 18 April 1954.

Helen Corr
Sources  

H. Corr, ‘Crawfurd, Helen’, Scottish labour leaders, 1918–39: a biographical

dictionary, ed. W. Knox (1984) · T. Bell, Pioneering days (1941) · memoirs of Helen

Crawfurd, Marx Memorial Library, London · W. Gallacher, Revolt on the Clyde: an

autobiography (1936) · b. cert. · m. cert. · d. cert.
Archives  

Marx Memorial Library, London


© Oxford University Press 2004–13
All rights reserved: see legal notice     Oxford University Press
 

Helen Corr, ‘Crawfurd , Helen (1877–1954)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,

Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Sept 2010

[http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/40301, accessed 26 May 2013]

Helen Crawfurd (1877–1954): doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/40301


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The Scotsman Newspaper

Stories from the Scotsman
Scotland's forgotten sisters

IF YOU spent the last two Sunday evenings watching Stephen Poliakoff’s Edwardian

drama The Lost Prince, you may remember a scene when a young woman threw

herself at Queen Mary’s feet, begging her attention to a pressing social concern. The

Queen daintily and imperiously stepped over her prone form. Another moment in the

drama featured an elegant woman chained to the palace railings, an image that will

forever be entwined with one movement alone - the struggle for women’s suffrage. Yet

instant recognition of iconic images often comes with a cost.

The suffragette campaign scourged the politicians of the day and shook up the skirts

of its women. To many, it was a cause led by the chattering classes, women of

privilege who were hopelessly out of touch with how people in the slums and factory

towns lived. To others, it was tinged with a sense of glamour, fronted by an enigmatic

tyrant - Emmeline Pankhurst, founder of the Women’s Social and Political Union -

who had a charismatic hold over her nubile army of women. Whatever you believe,

there’s one recurring idea that most of us are guilty of accepting - that the movement

was confined to London.

Four years ago, a ground-breaking book by the late Leah Leneman swept away this

myth with all the force of a Dyson vacuum cleaner. Far from being disinterested or

content with their lot, Leneman proved that the Scottish suffrage movement was

active and influential from Shetland to Stranraer, Oban to Montrose. It also displayed

considerable autonomy and independence from Pankhurst’s WSPU. Indeed, they

were indebted to their Scottish sisters, not least because the then-prime minister,

Asquith, alongside other prominent members of the government such as Richard

Haldane and Winston Churchill, held Scottish seats. If the English movement

produced endless biography fodder - from Emily Wilding Davison, who threw herself

under the King’s horse, to the Pankhursts again - many biographies are still waiting to

be written about the indefatigable Scots.

There was Ethel Moorhead, who symbolically smashed a glass case at the Wallace

monument near Stirling. One of the movement’s wittiest and more militant

personalities, she once marched into a classroom with a dog-whip to attack a male

teacher who had ejected her from a meeting. She was later imprisoned for attempted

arson. Then there was Lilias Mitchell, who cheekily replaced the marker flags at

Balmoral Golf Course with new flags painted in the WSPU colours. Or Arabella Scott,

who tried to set fire to Kelso racecourse before enduring five weeks of enforced

feeding at Perth Prison.

Action in Scotland was varied and widespread. Telegraph and telephone wires were

cut, and on one occasion a portrait of the King was slashed at the Royal Academy.

Lanarkshire mansions were burnt to the ground and corrosive acid was poured

through letter boxes across the country. Often, the tactics seemed to brilliantly

subvert the domestic activities the anti-suffragists were expected to do in the course

of a normal day: cayenne pepper was thrown at the prime minister, and they’d smear

black treacle on shop windows to deaden the sound of their being smashed. But not

all activity was militant. Scotland was also the scene of tireless campaigning from

leading suffragists (those who fought for the vote through constitutional or non-

militant means, as opposed to suffragettes, who were known for espousing militant

tactics).

In 1917, an electoral reform bill giving votes to certain women over 30 was passed in

the Commons, but not until 1928 were all women given equal voting rights. Yet as we

approach our parliament’s second elections since devolution, many of Scotland’s

women are not expected to vote. While it seems inconceivable that only 75 years ago

women were not deemed capable of doing so, it is equally staggering that such high

proportions of women are now so apathetic about voting. What would the suffragists

and suffragettes of yesteryear think? More specifically, what do the descendants of

women who were central to the movement think? Have they continued the fight for

gender equality in their own lives? Or have they been overshadowed by their

matriarchs? And what about the women whose ancestors played a more modest

role?

Anne Balfour-Fraser recalls two of her relatives talking about their roles in the drama.

Her grandmother, Lady Betty Balfour, was a member of the National Union of

Women’s Suffrage Societies and president of the non-militant Conservative and

Unionist Women’s Franchise Association in Edinburgh. She also chaired Pankhurst’s

1911 meeting at Nairn, and when militant suffragettes torched the medieval church of

Whitekirk in East Lothian (a symbolic action, according to Leneman, in response to

"medieval" practices such as force-feeding in Scottish prisons), Lady Betty chaired a

restoration fund. "She was morally supportive of the suffragettes, but thought that they

could achieve the vote without smashing things," says Balfour-Fraser. Instead, Lady

Betty used her influence within her "highly political and intellectual" circle, where she

thought it would have some effect.

Her sister, however, took quite a different tack. Lady Constance Lytton (Balfour-

Fraser’s great-aunt) was a well-known figure in the WSPU, and was imprisoned

several times for window-breaking. After her first imprisonment, she was outraged to

discover she’d won an early release because of her family’s status, and when

arrested subsequently, she gave false identities. During a 14-day prison sentence she

suffered enforced feeding on five occasions, a gruesome experience which she

details in her book Prisons and Prisoners. Two wardresses held her down while a

doctor clamped open her mouth with a steel implement. "A tube which seemed to me

much too wide and something like four feet in length" was forced down her throat,

causing instant vomiting. Ninety-five years later, Balfour-Fraser says these force-

feedings destroyed Lady Constance’s health for the rest of her life, and that she

certainly died prematurely because of this.

Her great-aunt’s sacrifice and grandmother’s campaigning left an indelible mark on

Balfour-Fraser’s life, not least on election days. "I have always voted," she stresses.

"If I didn’t, my grandmother would have thought it dreadful, that it was every woman’s

responsibility to make her opinion and make it count."

Balfour-Fraser spent the Second World War in a laboratory, analysing aluminium

from crashed aircraft. After the war she studied singing at the Royal Academy of

Music, but realising it wouldn’t become a career, she started her own production

company, Balfour Films, and went on to produce more than 100 films. When asked

whether she championed female directors - just as her grandmother went on to

encourage female composers such as Ethel Smyth - Balfour-Fraser replies, "Not

specifically. I wanted the best person for a job."

But one day she was woken in the early hours by an American television company.

"They had been given permission to make a film about Simone de Beauvoir, but on

one condition," she recalls. "The entire crew had to be women."

Balfour-Fraser didn’t agree with all of de Beauvoir’s ideas, but she was struck by her

risky and determined campaigning for the legalisation of abortion. Does she consider

this to be one of the next great landmarks in gender equality, after female suffrage?

"The Women’s Property Act was immensely important, as it meant that you didn’t

automatically lose rights to your property as soon as you got married. But the

acceptance of planned parenthood has made an enormous difference to the life of

women," she says.

In fact, Balfour-Fraser went on to make a number of films for the International

Planned Parenthood Federation as well as the Family Planning Association -

following another family tradition - since Lady Constance was an outspoken supporter

of Marie Stopes. What would Lady Betty and Lady Constance think of women’s lives

in today’s Scotland?

Have we achieved genuine emancipation? “Women can achieve everything, but it’s

appallingly hard work, and it shouldn’t be as difficult as it is. You need a cultural

change, but I don’t quite know how to achieve it.” What’s frustrating, she concludes, is

that women aren’t fighting prejudice from men, but all too often are thwarted by

“prejudice from other women, too”.

Another leading suffragette who participated in window-smashing raids and

subsequent prison hunger strikes was Helen Archdale, a woman who could have

been born wielding a hammer. Her mother and father (Alexander Russel, an editor of

The Scotsman) were stalwart fighters for Edinburgh women students’ campaign for

medical education.

A member of the WSPU, Archdale was imprisoned in Dundee for breaching the

peace, but released four days later after going on a hunger strike. Archdale was

particularly close to Pankhurst and assisted her in compiling a database of active

suffragettes during the war years. After the First World War she broadened her

feminist activities further by becoming president of the Equal Rights International

Committee at the League of Nations in Geneva, and editing Time and Tide, a feminist

sociopolitical magazine that attracted writers such as TS Elliot and Rebecca West.

Her daughter, Betty Archdale, inherited her mother’s sense of justi


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